Citizenship And Immigration Backbone Of Exclusion Politics Essay

Citizenship And Immigration Backbone Of Exclusion Politics Essay The concepts of citizen and immigrant have been discussed by many scholars for many reasons. These reasons can be the need of demonstrating the conflicts and the problems between citizens and immigrants, the immigrants illegal status that have generally unbearable life and working conditions, otherness of immigrants and thus their exclusion from mainstream of the society. Calavita is one of the scholars indicating the significance of dichotomy concerning citizen and immigrant issue by gathering ideas of many scholars. Thus, the main objective of my paper is to indicate on what basis Calavita challenges the immigrant/citizen dichotomy and also to illustrate the crucial points I agree by making use of the articles of vital scholars such as Bosniak, Marshall, Didier, Turner, Soysal, Balibar, Silverstein, Castles and Davidson and Giordano. The concept of citizenship not only refers to inclusion but also exclusion as it explicitly or implicitly posits the differences between citizens and immigrants who are generally considered as foreigners. Firstly, Calavita starts to challenge the immigrant/citizenship dichotomy by emphasizing the arguments of scholars concerning the differences between citizens and immigrants. For instance, Brubaker states that even though citizenship refers to inclusion, it is externally exclusive (21). Both Brubaker and Michael Walzer indicate a sharp difference between citizens who belong to the national community and noncitizens that do not. Thus, Calavita emphasizes that the extensive empirical scholarship that shows exclusionary aspect of citizenship affirms immigrants as a distinctly marginal population as well (403). Calavita also highlights the marginality of illegal immigrants by pointing out that they are given the worst jobs and excluded from social membership not only by virtue of their status as immigrants but by illegality (403). Moreover, according to B.S. Turner, who gets citizenship explicitly shows the general criteria of inclusion/exclusion within a political community and how these resources following citizenship membership are allocated and administered largely determines the economic fate of individuals and families (7). I totally agree with Calavitas and Turners arguments because there are many countries which can demonstrate the social and economical exclusion of immigrants such as Great Britain, Germany, France and so on. For instance, In Great Britain, many immigrants from Iran, Brazil, Afghanistan, Iraq and so on, are generally deprived of safe working conditions with poor salaries and they are generally given the worst jobs which citizens of the country do not want to do. Moreover, they have to live in some campsites far away from the mainstream of the society as they cannot afford to pay the rent of ordinary houses. As they are not the citizens of the country, their jobs, living and working conditions are harsh on the basis of exclusion. What is more, the exclusionary nature of citizenship in England can refer to inequality. According to Marshall, citizenship has been a growing institution in England associated with capitalism which is a system, not of equality but of inequality (102). Therefore, it can be deduced that the exclusion of immigrants is not only the result of exclusionary nature of citizenship but also the strong desire of capitalist people who want to earn more by exploiting the illegal status of immigrants. Calavita continues her arguments concerning otherness and marginalization of immigrants by indicating Filipina domestic workers in Los Angeles and Rome as examples emphasized by Salazar Parren who argues that Filipinas confront sets of dislocations in Italy and the United States, despite the legal, political, and cultural differences of the two contexts, as they provide the gendered, low-wage labour on which global capitalism thrives (404). As a result, capitalism has a crucial role in shaping the exclusion and economic marginalization of immigrants. The rights of immigrants have been extended through the enforcement of the law. For instance in the European Union it is achieved through a common asylum and immigration policy which provides specific rights to immigrants in the European Union countries. Calavita similarly addresses the issue of formal citizenship in the United States and the legal rights that distinguish citizens from noncitizens by utilizing Peter Schucks article which shows the evolution of the meaning of citizenship in U.S. immigration and naturalization law (405). It is argued that the value of U.S. citizenship has been decreased because immigrants have gained increasing rights as the concept of universalistic human rights independent of citizenship has expanded (405). Moreover, Yasemin Soysal states that rights that used to belong solely to nationals are now extended to foreign populations, thereby undermining the very basis of national citizenship (190). Calavita and other scholars also points out universal hu man rights in democratic societies which means that immigrants have come to enjoy virtually all the privileges associated with formal citizenship (usually, but not always, with the exception of voting rights) (405). What is more, according to Linda Bosniak, rights and recognition should be given to all people who are territorially present within the geographical space of a national state by virtue of that presence (390). This obviously refers to immigrants who territorially exist in many countries but denied. I agree with the opinions on the gradual growth of immigrants right not only in USA but also in Europe through the enforcement of the law. Thus, distinct terms have been created for the condition of immigrants such as denizen which is indicated by Soysals article for foreigners who are long-term residents of European states and who have substantial rights and privileges (190). Calavita thus shows that this concept of a membership continuum is at least implicitly shared by virtu ally all who write on immigration law and belonging (406). But at times it is somewhat awkwardly accompanied by the enduring idea of a conceptually clear, legally consequential, and ideologically charged distinction between citizens and foreigners (Brubaker, 21). It can be considered as true assumption since the explicit differences between them can be still observed in many countries such as in Great Britain I illustrated above. Different concepts such as transnational citizenship, global citizenship, and post national citizenship are raised in Calavitas article for further destabilizing this presumed dichotomy (Baubock 1994; Falk1993; Bosniak 2000, 449). According to her, the establishment of the European Union and the appearance of European citizenship may be the clearest example for transnational membership. While the allocation of many formal citizenship rights to all Europeans in the European Union clearly extends the conventional state-centered concept of citizenship, this transnational form is still relatively rare (406). Didier Bigo states that it is vital to have a long-term economic and social policy on migration that provides for decent conditions of family unification, equal wages and pension rights, and cross-border movements facilitated by international agreements (581). Thus, it can be deduced that the concept of European citizenship and immigration policy provide advantages such as equal wage s to the immigrants. Furthermore, Calavita argues that conceptual precision is required in our discussions of citizenship yet we need not define citizenship as intrinsically national in nature (407). Therefore, it can be pointed out that the definition of citizenship cannot be something which is unchangeable yet which has been developed and extended through evolution as Bosniak acknowledges that citizenship is multiple and overlapping through increasingly transterritorial quality of political and social life (450). However, we need to emphasize that being citizen of a country does not necessarily mean that your rights are protected and you can defend yourself when you are treated unfairly, even citizens of a country can be deprived of social, civil and political rights as Calavita indicates (407). Racialized citizenship, cultural citizenship and dependent citizenship are another crucial terms which are addressed by Calavita (407). These terms are the explicit illustration and proof of exclusionary nature of citizenship. To give an illustration, Paul Silverstein states that the white aristocracy think that they are enactors of national will and utilize a nationalistic practice of exclusion on racialised Aboriginal and Asian cocitizens and also in France Muslims are not seen as French citizenship since their culture is based on different religious activities (27). For describing the dependent citizenship, gender issue has a pivotal role as womens dependent citizenship is observed in USA. (407). Calavita makes use of Bredbenners article concerning womens dependent citizenship in USA through the Naturalization Act of 1855 (407). When foreign women married U.S. citizens, law automatically conferred citizenship on foreign women that protected these women from deportation and gave th em inheritance Rights yet deprived them of their native citizenship without their consent (407-408). Even though foreign men who married U.S. had acquired right to vote, these women who married U.S. men could not vote. This can be an exact proof of the dominance of patriarchy and the crucial clue indicating status of women as second class citizens in USA. According to Calavita, gender and race are often at the forefront of the struggle for inclusion as we realize women position in USA in that times , Muslims condition in France and the otherness of Aborigines in Australia emphasized by Silverstein (408). Being a citizenship is considered as first act to empower oneself against the environment into which one is born and thus a citizen tries to find mastery over whatever pushes him or her back into subjection (Castles and Davidson, 26). As a result, citizenship is inclined to indicate mastery over all environments which can be taken as the main result of capitalism. Calavita acknowledges that the ruled were dependent on the rulers, but the rulers no less depended on the ruled. The two sides were tied to each other and neither could easily opt out of the wedlock (410). To give specific illustration, the capitalist employers want to give jobs to illegal immigrants in order to gain more profit by giving them poor salaries. The amount of money which the employers earn is thus relied on the employment of this ruled class. In addition, violence and crime against immigrants are another vital issue raised by Calavita by pointing out that in late August 2004, 11 homeless people were attacked in organized assaults in Sao Paulo, leaving at least 7 dead (412). This can be considered as a cruel attempt to keep the homeless out of public space (412). As we can realize these scholars point out that immigrants are marginalized and excluded from membership in the national community of citizen-insiders yet this dichotomy is problematic-on one hand because immigrants are increasingly granted formal rights (412). As we can observe, the dichotomy addressed by Calavita constitutes contradictions and conflicts as it not only refer to exclusion and marginalization but also evolution of immigrants rights. In the second part of the paper, she maintains her argument with immigration policy in Italy which grants victims of human trafficking temporary residence permits to escape from situations of violence and abuse (Giordano, 588) and she suggests that the legal construction of marginality is here particularly seen. For example, the immigrants are consistently found in the lowest paid, most precarious, and least secure jobs. It is estimated that 30% of non-EU immigrants in Italy work in the vast underground economy and it is hard to obtain permanent legal status through Immigration laws (413). The illegal condition of them in Italy should be emphasized as illegality of immigrant workers is embedded in Italian immigration law anchored by temporary and contingent permit systems (413). Balibar states that capacities of reception and integration are arbitrarily established according to criteria of cultural distance-that is, race (37). Also, Calavita acknowledges that immigrants are racialize d and their cultures highlighted as problematically distinct, to the extent that they are economically other which means that ethnic and cultural difference by themselves do not elicit racism, but rather their connection with poverty does (414). Thus, it can be said that race and gender are intertwined and so are labour function and race. The concept of non-EU jobs offered to immigrants from third World countries clearly indicates degrees of economic marginality. As this is a legal process, Economic marginality is thus institutionalized through law (415). They are also excluded from access to the national health care system. Also, they experience illegal discrimination in the housing market which causes them to live in homeless shelters and soup kitchens (415). We can realize the mutual existence of economical, social and cultural exclusion of immigrants in Italy. According to her, if economic marginality is backbone of immigrants exclusion, then it shows the reason that other impov erished groups in highly stratified market societies are similarly denied full membership (415). Thus, we can think that immigrants expose to both economic and social marginality. The workers, who are mostly young and woman and poorly paid, are too busy with their own survival to create solidarity among them. An overall conclusion is that the first part of the paper confirms the traditional dichotomy concerning citizen-insider/immigrant-outsider and the distinction between them is tried to be described by ideas of different scholars which is relied on the nominal definition of citizenship applied to women and people of colour (416). However, the Italian example indicates us that there is no exact and explicit boundary between citizens and immigrants and we can realize the economic marginality and otherness in the context of the racialization of Third World countries. However, it should be always remembered that even formal citizens can confront troubles from which immigrants can suffer and not all citizens are true members. Thus, they can also share the sense of exclusion with immigrants. Calavita sums up what she challenges by pointing out that the scholars claiming the extension of immigrants rights and documenting the critical race theory and feminist expose ´s of the limitations on substantive citizenship come from dramatically different theoretical positions and use various conceptualizations of citizenship (409). Yet, the conventional dichotomy between citizen-members and immigrant-outsiders is all disrupted by them. As result, it can be totally wrong to draw explicit definitions for citizen and immigrant yet it should be realized that the exclusion of immigrants also come from their inability of being consumers in the global marketplace. Lastly, it should not been forgotten that nowadays both immigrants and citizens have been backbone of marginality and exclusion which stems from the inescapable result of the capitalist world.

Global Oil Industry Conflict: An Apocalypse End Essay

Abstract Human beings depend on the resources they derive from the environment for their well-being and their very survival. Warfare is a prominent human activity used to gain access to these resources. Oil, gas, and minerals are vital natural resources that meet crucial human needs. Whether for transport, for heating, or for everyday goods and services, these resources constitute essential raw material inputs. Modern civilization would struggle to survive without readily available access to these resources at reasonable and affordable prices. For these reason, these resources are considered to be strategic resources, critical for national and global well-being and prosperity. This study aims to provide detailed information about oil conflicts that have occurred in the past and how they can be solved in future by use of permanent means such as provision of energy through other means apart from oil. Key words: oil industry, global, oil related conflict, apocalypse Introduction Oil forms the largest percentage of energy consumption in the world, ranging from as low as 30% to as high as 60%, depending on the country’s energy consumption. Forming the world’s largest industry in terms of dollar value, the industry which includes production, distribution, refining as well as retailing is the largest in the world (Venn, 2002). Countries as well as companies and organizations are aware of this importance and put up measures that would gain them access to this all too important commodity. In most countries, governments have put up measures that ensure that oil as accessible to them. These include providing major tax breaks to oil companies on almost all oil explorations as well as extractions. These breaks extend to oil field leases as well the equipment used in oil drilling. Governments also provide heavy public subsidiaries to these companies. In exchange for the favors that the governments offer to the companies, they get to access cheaper oil for their countries. However, while oil has managed to form a larger part of relief in industrialization, it has become the source of conflict in many parts of the world, more so in countries where the precious commodity is produced. Oil and conflict The world’s nations interact with each other in their pursuit of external natural resources through governmental and non-governmental avenues in an astonishing variety of bilateral and multilateral ways. These international interactions change with time, ranging from cordial and synergistic to antagonistic and destructive (Cotet & Tsui, 2013, p. 51). For instance, one of the several explicitly enunciated national-security objectives of the USA is to protect U.S. economic interests worldwide by maintaining steady access to energy supplies, other critical resources, and foreign markets. The relations among subdivisions or portions of a nation similarly range in changing patterns from the harmonious to the discordant. At the negative extreme of these spectra of international and domestic interaction are found overt threats of aggression and the actual pursuit of war (Cotet & Tsui,   2013, p. 51). The resort to war by a nation, a group of nations, or a portion of a nation has been a common approach to achieving a policy objective. The half-dozen or more significant wars currently in progress represent a routine human activity that appears in progress represent a routine human activity that appears not to have changed significantly in the recent decades or centuries in either frequency or in intensity. The global shortage, or perceived shortage, of one or more natural resources, especially oil, contributes greatly to the belligerent political behavior and the onset of war (Blomberg, Hess & Jackson, 2009, P. 410). Of the minerals like coal, oil, natural gas, and uranium, the ones considered as possible causes of future wars are oil and uranium (Blomberg, Hess & Jackson, 2009, P. 409). The world has become dependent upon continuing supplies of huge quantities of oil, especially so the industrialized nations. Many nations must depend upon imports to satisfy their demand for this commodity. Among the major powers, Russia, China, and the United Kingdom are self-sufficient, and are also exporters of oil. The USA is at present importing about one-third of its consumption. France, Germany and Japan must import all their oil. The major exporting nations at present are Saudi Arabia, Iran, Russia, and Mexico. The major exporting region is the Middle East (Blomberg, Hess & Jackson, 2009, P. 409). Wars fought over oil control in past centuries A number of wars in the past centuries have been fought over oil[1]. Oil has additionally caused many conflicts in the world in recent years, for example, the war between Sudan and South Sudan (Alexander and Keiger, 2002, p. 26). On 10th April, 2012, the newly sovereign state of South Sudan occupied the oil center of Heglig. This is a town that was granted to Sudan as a peace settlement that enabled Southern Sudan to secede in 2011. In response to this occupation, the northerners mobilized their own forces and drove the southerners out of Heglig (Check and Mdlongwa, 2012, p. 5). This conflict was caused by factors such as economic differences between the two states, and a long-lasting enmity between the southerners and the northerners. The biggest cause of this conflict however is oil, and the revenues produced by oil [2](Johnson, 2003, p. 115). Another evidence of conflicts caused by oil is the naval clash in the South China Sea[3] (Buszynski, 2012, p. 140). Multiple factors drove this conflict, but just like the Sudan situation, energy is the most dominant motive. The area in question is said to be having large deposits of oil and natural gas. All nations around the island, including Philippines and China want exploit these coffers. Manila asserts a 200-nautical mile absolute economic zone stretching into the South China Sea from its western shoreline, a region it named the West Philippine Sea. Beijing has also asserted sovereignty over the whole area, counting the waters petitioned by Manila. Despite years of dialogue, no solution has been found yet further clashes over oil and other resources are likely (Buszynski, 2012, p. 141). Egypt has also had some oil and energy conflicts with Israel. The Egyptian General Petroleum Corporation communicated to the Israeli government that they were going to terminate the gas acquisition accord, in which Egypt had been providing gas to Israel[4]. This announcement caused months of demonstrations in Cairo by the protestors who succeeded in depositing Hosni Mubarak. This followed many attacks on the pipelines transporting gas to Israel, which the Egyptian military was unable to prevent. The cutoff suggests the use of energy as a form of political warfare (Bradley and Mitnick, 2013, p. 1). Argentina has also been involved in oil conflicts. The Argentinean government announced that it would seize a majority stake in YPF, the nation’s largest oil company[5]. This deal would see the Argentinean government lose over one billion dollars a year which was not acceptable. In a nutshell, this particular conflict was mostly fuelled by Argentina’s urge to derive greater economic and political benefits from its energy reserves (Erixon and Brandt, 2013, p.9). Causes of oil conflicts in past decades The western world was shocked by the 1967 embargo by the Arab oil-producing countries and by the following oil crisis of 1973-74 (Blomberg, Hess & Jackson, 2009, P. 410). These events demonstrated the possibility for oil-producing countries to exert an influence on the world oil supply and to use their oil resources for political goals. At the time, many western scholars and politicians expressed the fear over the threat of oil blackmail. Further developments showed that the Organization for Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) had only limited possibilities to disrupt oil supplies and that such fear had been exaggerated (Blomberg, Hess & Jackson, 2009, P. 409). Nevertheless, the Middle East remains the best known center of conflict having a considerable raw-material component (Humphreys, 2005, p. 511). The situation in the Middle East is grave and complex for three reasons. First, there is opposition between the Arab countries plus Palestine and Israel. Second, there are the difficult relations among a number of the Arab countries themselves[6]. Third, there are hostilities within some of the countries based on religious and political differences. The war between Iran and Iraq served to remove these two countries from list of major oil exporters (Humphreys, 2005, p. 512). The numerous and varied levels of conflict within the Middle East are viewed with favor by at least some of the oil-importing countries for they are thought to maintain the region in a dynamic balance (Newton-Small, 2013, p. 39). The foreign policy of the USA and a number of other states is designed to keep these conflicts alive[7]. The USA also let it be known that it did not even exclude the possibility of an armed seizure of the Middle Eastern oil deposits if it looked as if the region would fall into the hands of the then USSR (Humphreys, 2005, p.520). The downfall in 1979 of the pro-US regime in Iran appeared to be an irrevocable loss to the US position there. Following this event, the USA took compensatory steps to prepare for an alternative presence in the Middle East region[8]. In 1980, the USA began to develop rapid deployment forces capable of striking the Middle East. Additionally, a number of NATO countries quartered military units on the Sinai Peninsula. This enabled these forces to have control over the Suez Canal and the Red Sea region. Such action strengthened the Israeli position vis-à  -vis its neighbors (Humphreys, 2005, p. 523). The USA wanted to create the impression that it was acting on behalf of the whole Western world in striving to guarantee oil supplies for its NATO allies. But this was contradicted by the US proclamation that â€Å"An attempt by any outside force to gain control of the Persian Gulf Region will be regarded as an assault on the vital interests of the United States of America, and such an assault will be repelled by any means necessary, including military force†. Furthermore, the allies of USA experienced substantial economic losses as a result of the US and Israeli foreign policies in the Middle East[9]. It was also no coincidence that a number of West European nations were made independent, albeit unsuccessful, initiatives to settle the Arab-Israel conflict (Humphreys, 2005, p. 526). Propensity for war Petro-states, states in which revenues from net oil exports constitute at least ten percent of gross domestic product (GDP), are among the most violent states in the world. Such states show a remarkable propensity for militarized interstate disputes (MIDs). They engage in MIDs at a rate more than fifty percent higher than non-petro-states. This was not always true. Until about 1970, petro-states were just about as likely to get into international conflicts as non-petro-states. Yet the modern age of oil, which began in earnest after the Arab oil embargo on 1973, created a world in which petro-states play an oversized role in global military affairs. The relatively small group of petro-states has accounted for almost a quarter of all of the world’s international conflicts since 1970 (Colgan, 2010, p. 678). Petro-aggression is the idea that, under certain circumstances, oil exporting states are systematically more likely to act aggressively and instigate international conflicts. Rather than being simply a magnet for greed and international competition, oil has multiple effects. Oil creates some incentives to increase a petro-state’s aggressiveness and some incentives to decrease it. The net effect of oil for a petro-state’s foreign policy depends on how the oil income interacts with the state’s domestic politics. Oil income has its most negative consequences for international peace when it flows into a state that is led by a government with aggressive preferences. Such leadership often arises in the wake of a domestic political revolution (Colgan, 2010, p. 679). However, not all petro-states are affected by petro-aggression. A common misperception about oil politics is that it has a uniform, monolithic effect on politics. This is not true because the net political effect of oil varies dramatically depending on the nature of the petrostate. Large-scale oil income generates multiple political incentives that affect a petro-state’s foreign policy. One of the more important but subtle incentives is that oil facilitates risk-taking by petro-state leaders[10]. Consequently, a petro-state leader often faces very little political answerability, and consequently a low threat of being ousted from office for risky and potentially unpopular actions. In non-petro-states, one of the reasons that leaders tend to avoid international conflicts is because they know that if they are defeated, they are incredibly prone to be ousted from office, either peacefully or violently. Yet a leader with huge financial resources to redistribute to purchase political support can afford to take chances, counting those concerned with belligerent foreign policy adventurism (Colgan, 2010, p. 680). The net impact of oil’s multiple effects on a state’s foreign policy depends critically on its domestic politics, especially the preferences of its leaders. Governments that have come to power by way of a domestic revolution are especially significant. Revolutionary governments are more likely to have aggressive preferences for two reasons. First, revolutionary politics tend to select leaders that are systematically more risk-tolerant and ambitious to revise the status quo that non-revolutionary leaders. Second, revolutions tend to eliminate domestic political constraints that might otherwise restrain an aggressive leader from taking a state into conflict or war. Thus, revolutionary states have a higher propensity for aggression than comparable non-revolutionary states, regardless of whether they have oil (Colgan, 2010, p.681). For states in which a revolutionary government has taken power, oil amplifies the state’s propensity to instigate international conflicts. The combination of a risk-tolerant revolutionary leader, financial resources for armed actions, and a lofty scale of political self-sufficiency generated by oil earnings, produces a noxious mix that aids state aggression, which in turn leads to conflict. In non-revolutionary petro-states, the net effect is quite different. Oil still provides incentives for aggression, but these are balanced by the incentives to avoid international conflict, such as the opportunity cost of any potentially disrupted oil exports (Colgan, 2010, p.683). Impact of oil discovery and production Referred to as the worlds ‘black gold’, oil has in the last century or so become a source of hardships and misery in societies where it has been found. Corrupt and authoritarian governments, as well as loop-sided economies, and violent conflict form the order of the day in countries where petroleum producing countries are concerned. Apart from the internal conflict that most of these countries face, there is the fact that huge multinational companies, through military interventions or clandestine operations are able to maneuver for the control of oil fields by using foreign powers (Stoff, 1982, p. 1945). Due to the lucrative nature of the of the oil industry, even within these countries, rebel groups crop up and want to challenge the government hoping that they too would get part of the profits that come from then oil. These rebels are often dissatisfied citizens who have seen the greed that the government is experiencing as well as the greed and corruption that comes with the industry and feel that the government is not giving them their share[11]. The degree of the rebel conflicts depends on the strength of the rebel group as well as the ability of the government to quash the rebellion. Some rebellions have even led to the formation of new countries such as was South Sudan’s case (Keable, 2002, p.178). Oil discovered in the between boundaries of two nations has also been cause for conflicts between the countries. These usually lead to boarder conflicts in the regions as well as international conflicts between the two nations because of the oil reservoirs[12] (Karl, 1997, p. 120). Other then the border conflicts, the damage that oil production causes to the environment has been a course of major demonstrations and strikes that result to lose of lives. Major environmental damages that have resulted either in the production of the oil pr in its transportation such as oil spills have been cause for major uproars all over the world. Finally, there is the fact that oil has become a very expensive commodity. In recent years, the demand for oil has been at an all time high. With high demand comes the need to produce more oil thus more and more oil discoveries are being made all over the world. However, with greater demands comes the rise in the commodities prices. Rise in demand coupled up with rise in prices makes oil a very scarce resource (Heinberg, 2005, p.133). This has created conflict as people all over the world are now fighting to access this scarce commodity.   What is even sadder is the fact that this is likely to be the trend in the next years to come this would mean that is no solution is sought in the nearby future; the likely hood of an escalation in the conflicts both local and international is likely as far as oil as a resource is concerned. Reasons both international and local as to why oil is a source of conflict In the last century or so oil has managed to become a source of conflict in one way or the other. This is more so because of the fact that in recent years oil reservoirs all over the world have dwindled because of too much usage. Studies have found that the connection between oil and conflict generally boils down to two expansive reasons. Its importance in a particular country’s economic as well as military power as well as its irregular geographic distribution in the globe (Saharan). Its economic significance Oil is the primary energy source in the world. It accounts for almost 40% of the world’s energy consumption. It plays an important role in ground, air and water transportation. In the transport sector, oil provides up to 95% of the energy used in the industry all over the world. It is also used in other industries mentioned earlier on in the paper. Due to the critical role played by oil in the running of an economy, any shortage of this commodity has been known to create global economic recessions (Brà ¤tland, 2004, p. 527). There is also the fact that most countries that are able to export oil get good income from this export. Thus, in countries where the leaders may try to tamper with these exports, they are usually met with strong resistance. Its significance to military power Oil provides the energy used to power military equipments including the planes as well as the tanks, missiles, armored vehicles, and any other instrument that may be used in a war situation. Modern combat is very expensive to fuel due to the advancement in technology it is therefore very important that every country secure their military power by ensuring that that particular military has access to all supplies. Due to the important role that fuel plays in the functioning of a military, governments have ranked fuel possession as a matter of ‘national security’[13] (Klare, 2004, p. 132). Its importance to oil geography While oil is important at a global scale, its reservoirs are not simply located in any part of the worlds. In fact, natural petroleum is concentrated in large reservoirs in specific parts of the globe. Studies indicate that the largest reservoir which contributes to a third of the world’s petroleum is situated in the Persian Gulf area. The countries situated in this are provide about 90% of the world’s oil. However, in recent years, there is said to have occurred a gravitation oil shift, thus the oil reservoirs in countries that originally produced oil are depleting and oil is being discovered in countries that originally did not have any (Goodstein, 2005, p. 143). Types of oil conflicts Oil conflicts often occur in either of two stages. The first is may occur before the oil itself is discovered (Basedau & Wegenast, 2009, p. 39). This is where discovery has been made and it has been found that there is a likely hood of oil discovery. The second one may occur where the oil is already being produced. The reasons for this conflict may be divided into three main reasons. Territorial disputes These disputes arise where boarders are involved and where offshore areas that are thought to be insignificant are concerned.   Most of these places are usually considered insignificant until an oil discovery is made (Deffeyes, 2008, p. 79).   Some of the areas considered insignificant until the discovery of oil include the Caspian Sea whose discovery sparked a territorial conflict between Azerbaijan and Iran and the West African Bakassi Peninsula that caused friction between Niger Delta and Cameroon (Ako & Okonmah, 2009, p. 56). Separatist struggles In most countries, oil is produced in areas inhabited by ethnic groups. However, the proceeds of the production go to government officials as well national coffers. In this case, the members of the ethnic communities will feel that given the fact that the oil is on their land, and they are not getting anything from the government, then it would be best if they break away from the parent nation to form their own (Ako & Okonmah, 2009, p. 57). This has been the case in Nigeria, Indonesia, and the southern part of Sudan. South Sudan is a recently independent state because of such a conflict (Alao, 2007, 124). Factional and dynastic struggles Oil brings out the evil as well as the dictatorship in individuals. This is because whoever controls the oil and the revenues it brings in controls the nation and its people. Such people want to continue keeping this power and in fact do anything to be able to retain such power. This includes resorting to brute force as well as suppression of the people (Ross, 2012, p. 110). Those not included in the power on the other hand will resort to any means in order to gain control of that power. These groups will resort to rebellion, terrorism, or coups to wrangle power from the powerful[14]. Dynastic struggles have been a major contributing factor in oil wars at Niger Delta (Frynas, 2001, p. 29). Some of the world’s fuel conflicts as of the last quarter a century While conflict has been brewing all over the world about oil, and who gets to control it, in recent years these conflicts have escalated (Ebel, 2002, p. 162). In fact as of the past years more than two oil conflicts had erupted between nations over oil. Some of the more recent oil conflicts include: The Sudan and South Sudan conflict This conflict is still on going to date. Early 2012, troops from the newly formed South Sudan nation occupied an oil center in Heglig, a town that had been granted to Sudan in a treaty between the two nations. The Sudan government organized its troops which were to drive the Southern Sudan troops from the oil center. Since then, there has been conflict between the two nations (Manaz, 2009, p. 74). The southern China Sea naval clash This particular area is thought to contain large deposits of oil reservoirs. This has elicited a naval clash between the Chinese government and the Filipino government both of who are claiming rights over that particular stretch (Manaz, 2009, p. 72). The Filipino government claims to have discovered the oil and that it would start drilling. On the other hand china claims that the place is their territory. Egypt oil conflict with Israel As of the year 2012, Egypt had announced that it would cut off its oil supply to Israel. This announcement was followed by months of protests and attacks on the main pipeline that took oil to Israel (Manaz, 2009, p. 72). Syrian oil conflict Syria is a country with massive oil reservoirs and more recently rebels have come up and want a piece of the cake. This has resulted in conflict between the Syrian military and the rebel groups which has recently escalated to the use of chemical weapons (Lyall & Wilson, 2009, p. 70). What is worse is the fact that nobody is aware of the extent to which this particular war this war is going to before it can end.   Even worse is the uncertainty that has been brought about by the presence of the US army in this particular conflict ()Lyall & Wilson, 2009, p. 83). Recommendations The only way to reduce conflicts over energy resources such as oil is coming up with new energy sources. These include sources such as solar power. The solar photo-voltaic (PV) is a technology used to convert energy from the sun into electricity. Other alternatives include biogas technology that changes organic waste into power, and micro and pico-hydro technologies, which harness energy from falling water, for example, steep mountain rivers. These new sources of energy can be improved and used globally to reduce dependence on oil, thus reducing oil induced conflicts (Todd, 1982, p. 72). Conclusion Oil related conflict is a phenomena that has taken a toll in the last quarter a century or so. What is sad is the fact that at the rate at which these conflicts are taking place, with more than five conflicts reported in the last year alone. This indicates that the world is headed more and more conflicts in the future. Evidently, there are issues that are ‘fueling’ this rapid movement towards an apocalyptic oil conflict end. Other than greed for power as well as money, the shortage in the commodity is causing a panic in the world. Therefore those with oil want to hoard it and sell it at expensive rates while those without it are fighting to get it. Oil is the most important global resource. It is also responsible for most national and international conflicts in the world for many decades and even today. Most oil importing countries such as the USA instigate foreign policies that cause conflicts in the oil exporting countries, thus enabling the USA to swoop in and control their oil reserves. The Oil exporting countries themselves have a great propensity for instigating national and international conflicts as seen in the above points. With this continuing trend, oil could cause an apocalypse end of the world if other new sources of energy are not found. There is also the fact that geography is changing things. Oil is shifting to places that it was not originally available. Given the fact that the countries that originally had oil reservoirs had that much internal conflict, what would happen to countries that did not have the precious ‘black gold’ but now had access to it? Isn’t this an apocalypse in the making? References Ako, R, & Okonmah, P 2009, ‘Minority Rights Issues in Nigeria: A Theoretical Analysis of   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Historical and Contemporary Conflicts in the Oil-Rich Niger Delta Region’, International   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Journal On Minority & Group Rights, 16, 1, pp. 53-65, Alao, A. 2007. Natural resources and conflict in Africa: The tragedy of endowment. Rochester, NY: Univ. of Rochester Press. Alexander, M., & Keiger, J. F. 2002. France and the Algerian War: strategy, operations and   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   diplomacy. Journal of Strategic Studies, 25(2), 1-32. Basedau, M, & Wegenast, T 2009, ‘Oil and Diamonds as Causes of Civil War in sub-Saharan   Ã‚   Africa’, Colombia Internacional, 70, pp. 35-59, Blomberg, B, Hess, G, & Jackson, J 2009, ‘Terrorism and the Returns to Oil’, Economics And   Ã‚   Politics, 21, 3, pp. 409-432, Bradley, M., & Mitnick, J. 2013. Egypt Cancels Israel Gas Deal. Wall Street Journal, 1, 1. Brà ¤tland, J 2004, ‘Externalities, Conflict, and Offshore Lands’, Independent Review, 8, 4, pp.   Ã‚   527-548, Buszynski, L. 2012. The South China Sea: Oil, Maritime Claims, and U.S. — China Strategic   Ã‚   Rivalry. The Washington Quarterly, 1, 139-143. Check, N. A., & Mdlongwa, T. 2012. AISA POLICY brief. The Heglig Oil Conflict: An   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Exercise of Sovereignty or an Act of Aggression?, 78, 3-6. Colgan, J. 2010. Oil and revolutionary governments: fuel for international conflict.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   International Organization, 64(4), 661-694. Cotet, A, & Tsui, K 2013, ‘Oil and Conflict: What Does the Cross Country Evidence Really   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Show?’, American Economic Journal: Macroeconomics, 5, 1, pp. 49-80, Deffeyes, K. S. 2008. Hubbert’s peak: the impending world oil shortage (New Edition).   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Princeton University Press. Ebel, R. E. 2002. The Geopolitics of Energy into the 21st Century. CSIS, Washington DC. Erixon, F., & Brandt, L. 2013. Argentina, the Expropriation of Repsol YPF, and the Case for   Ã‚   Improved Investment Protection Accords. ECIPE Policy Briefs, 08, 1-11. Frynas, J 2001, ‘Corporate and state responses to anti-oil protests in the Niger Delta’, African   Ã‚  Ã‚   Affairs, 100, 398, p. 27, Goodstein, D. L. 2005. Out of gas: The end of the age of oil. New York., NY: W.W. Norton. Heinberg, R. 2005. Party’s over: Oil, war and the fate of industrial societies. Gabriola Island:   Ã‚  Ã‚   New Society. Hughes, M. 2005. Logistics and the Chaco War: Bolivia versus Paraguay, 1932-1935. The   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Journal of Military History, 69(2), 411-437. Humphreys, M. 2005. Natural Resources, Conflict, and Conflict Resolution Uncovering the   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Mechanisms. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 49(4), 508-537. Johnson, D. H. 2003. The root causes of Sudan’s civil wars. African Security Review, 12(2),   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   115-115. Karl, T. L. 1997. The paradox of plenty: Oil booms and petro-states. Berkeley: University of   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   California Press. Keable, K 2002, ‘Planning offsets inherent risk in developing countries’, Offshore, 62, 8, p. 178, Klare, M. T. 2004. Blood and oil: The dangers and consequences of America’s growing petroleum dependency. New York: Holt. Lyall, J, & Wilson, I 2009, ‘Rage against the Machines: Explaining Outcomes in Counterinsurgency Wars’, International Organization, 63, 1, pp. 67-106, Manaz, A 2009, ‘Oil And The Middle East Policy’, Cag University Journal Of Social   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Sciences, 6, 2, pp. 70-83, Newman, E. 2004. The ‘new wars’ debate: a historical perspective is needed. Security   Ã‚   Dialogue, 35(2), 173-189. Newton-Small, J 2013, ‘Blood For Oil’, Time, 181, 6, pp. 38-41, Park, C. H. 1978. The south china sea disputes: Who owns the islands and the natural   Ã‚   resources?. Ocean Development & International Law, 5(1), 27-59. Roberts, P. 2005. The end of oil: On the edge of a perilous new world. Boston, Mass. [u.a.:   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Houghton Mifflin. Ross, M. L. 2012. The oil curse: How petroleum wealth shapes the development of nations.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press. Stoff, M. B. 1982. Oil, war, and American security: The search for a national policy on foreign   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   oil, 1941-1947. New Haven [u.a.: Yale Univ. Pr. Todd, R. W. 1982. Alternative energy sources. International Journal of Ambient Energy, 3(2),    69-80. Venn, F. 2002. The oil crisis. London [u.a.: Longman. [1] For example, in the Chaco War of 1932-35, Paraguay annexed a region of Bolivia in the mistaken belief that it contained oil deposits (Hughes, 2005). France was reluctant to lose Algeria in the latter’s was independence of 1954-62 partly because of Algeria’s oil deposits, but was unable to prevail (Alexander and Keiger, 2002). Similarly, Nigeria was reluctant to lose Biafra in the latter’s bid for independence in 1967-70 in large part owing to the local oil deposits, and was able to thwart Biafra’s attempt at secession (Newman, 2004). The Paracel island clash of 1974, in which China routed Viet Nam in re-establishing its claim to this island group in the South China Sea, was apparently motivated chiefly by the presumed offshore oil deposits (Park, 1978). [2] When the country divided in 2011, the most productive oil fields ended up in the South, while the pipeline for transporting the southern oil to international markets remained in the north. They had been demanding much exaggerated fees for the privilege of transporting the southern oil to its markets. The southerners refused to pay such fees, which made the northerners to confiscate money they had already collected from the southern oil exports. This made the southerners to stop producing oil. It made them launch military action against the north. The situation is very explosive to date, caused by the need for oil. [3] This happened when a Philippine warship arrived at Scarborough Shoal in the South China Sea and detained Chinese fishing boats. The Chinese fishermen were accused of illegal fishing activities in Filipino sovereign waters. In response to this, china sent two of their naval ships to the area, claiming that the Philippine warship was harassing Chinese ships in Chinese waters. The fishing ships were allowed to depart without further incident [4] This decision to terminate the gas agreement was made as a response to a dispute over the Israeli payments for Egyptian gas. All parties involved interpreted it as part of a drive by Egypt’s new government to demonstrate greater distance from the ousted Mubarak regime and his policy of cooperation with Israel. The Egyptian-Israeli gas link was the most important outcomes of the 1979 treaty between the two countries. Its annulment signals a period of great conflict. This may cause energy shortages in Israel. [5] The government announced that it would take 51% controlling stake in YPF, which was majority-owned by the Repsol YPF, Spain’s largest energy firm. The seizure of its subsidiary was seen in Madrid as a great threat which had to be combated. The Spaniard government retorted that the Argentinean government had broken the climate of cordiality and friendship that presided over the relations between Argentina and Spain. After a few days, the Spaniard government announced that it would stop importing bio fuels from Argentina, its principal supplier. [6] These were between Egypt and Libya; between Syria and Iraq; between the People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen and Saudi Arabia; and between Iran and Iraq. [7] The USA at first actively provided Israel and Iran with military and other assistance inasmuch as these two countries were considered to be stabilizing forces within the region. The USA concomitantly provided similar assistance to Saudi Arabia and other conservative Arab regimes as well as to the nearby states of Somalia and Sudan. One of the justifications put forth by the USA for its military aid to the Middle East and nearby countries was the prevention of Soviet expansion into the region. [8] At the time of the so-called Camp David accords in 1978 among Egypt, Israel, and the USA provision had been made for the USA to be able to construct two military air bases for Israel in the Negev desert. The presence of the USA on the Sinai Peninsula also permitted a continuation of the installation, improvement, and operation of an early warning system. [9] Arab countries For example, were provoked into placing embargos against the Netherlands and the United Kingdom. [10] Oil income is easily controlled by the central government, thereby giving the leader an independent source of financial resources that can be redistributed to buy political support [11] Case examples of conflicts that have been sparked by rebels over oil resources include Nigeria and Sudan to mention but a few. [12] Recently, South Sudan and Sudan have been having a lot of boarder conflict that can be attributed to the existence of oil reservoirs that each state believes belong to them. [13] In countries like the US, terming oil as a matter of national security means that they may resort to military force in order to protect it [14] This is the case in countries such as Nigeria and Saudi Arabia. In other countries such conflict arises in form of political indifferences as is the case in Venezuela.

The Definitive Handbook to Quirky Philosophy Essay Topics

The Definitive Handbook to Quirky Philosophy Essay Topics Quirky Philosophy Essay Topics - Is it a Scam? Writing quality essays is the principal role of our services. You could also find all the essential information for your paper writing in internet. Political topics are able to make a worthy presidential candidate from a student! If you are searching for assistance with your essay then we provide a comprehensive writing service offered by fully qualified academics in your area of study. Why Almost Everything You've Learned About Quirky Philosophy Essay Topics Is Wrong In the procedure for philosophy essays writing, a writer ought to pay attention to quite a few issues. He should create an essay structure to provide a blueprint of the essay. He can choose from a number of referencing styles to use e.g.. The next task is to learn how to begin convincing the reader your thesis is accurate. Next, you've got to support your thesis. You'll be outlining the fundamental structure of your essay with the thoughts and notes. Some last words ought to be added about proofreading. Get the Scoop on Quirky Philosophy Essay Topics Before You're Too Late In actual fact, it's almost sure that the fortress approach is not going to lead to a very superior paper. It is vital to understand the aims of the assignment to realize how to compose a philosophy of life paper. An additional thing a student may need is the way to think of a philosophy paper example. Philosophy essay samples can help you to overcome difficulties and to compose a paper of top quality. Your thesis should convey your primary idea and your whole paper should support it using a crystal clear focus. In the event you're likely to develop a philosophic paper, you should realize this won't be as straightforward as ABC on account of the simple fact that philosophy doesn't refer to exact sciences. In the same way as any other writing assignment, a philosophy paper can be challenging in case you don't understand how to go with this. Quirky Philosophy Essay Topics Secrets It is preferable to include fewer ideas than a lot of those. You can find with a topic which examines the use of ethics in our society since it is today. There's no such thing for a bit of good philosophical writing that's unclear, ungrammatical, or unintelligible. His philosophy basically was that everyone is liable for their very own moral attitudes. Philosophical questions haven't any set answer s. The article is going to be submitted at the agreed time and will be all set that you download. This issue of choice is going to be expected to withstanding academic inquiry. If you truly want a challenge, produce a couple original philosophical questions of your own. This essay topics will talk about the philosophical aspects of several diverse religions, in addition to topics that compare the similarities between the philosophies of unique religions. When you would like a well-written essay that resembles the example philosophy essay on the website, you will need to understand how to do it. Writing a Philosophy essay can be challenging if you aren't clear regarding the topic. The sample philosophy essay will direct you about what to do. You might also read different philosophical books and locate a very good topic for your essay there. In the procedure for writing a philosophy assignment, a writer will need to deal with diverse theories and arguments. Don't be afraid to entrust your essay to experts as you'll be offered a masterpiece within the necessary deadline. You're going to be evaluating your thesis with all probable explanations. It doesn't mean fantastic philosophers aren't demanded. It might be hard to oppose famous philosophers.

Overpopulation and Poverty in Ireland in A Modest Proposal...

A Modest Proposal was written in an attempt to open the people of Ireland’s eyes about the overpopulation, poverty, and young thieves on the street. Jonathan Swift, in his writing, A Modest Proposal, uses a unique way to get people’s attention on the problems at hand. Swift’s purpose is to give the people of Ireland something they cannot possibly ignore. He adopts a disappointed tone in order to make his audience feel like they did something wrong for letting this occur for such in his audience of the people of Dublin, Ireland. The issue Dublin is suffering from is the problems of overpopulation, beggars, and young thieves roaming the streets. Jonathan Swift is giving a speech to the public of Dublin, which carries a proposal to solve†¦show more content†¦Several different emotions can arise from the audience of Dublin while hearing about â€Å"A Modest Proposal.† In the beginning you could feel some sorrow and pity for the poor people of Ireland. With all the beggars, overpopulation, little thieves running around, there is a lot to be pitiful for. Although, later on, Smith may want the audience to feel horror and fear when he actually describes his plans to sell and eat the children, mostly being brought up by satire. This proposal does acknowledge views against Smith’s work mostly answering questions such as, â€Å"How can one make a profit by doing this?† and, â€Å"How many people would one infant feed?† Smith never really encounters the moral values of killing off infants and eating them, in fact, Smith may not think there is anything wrong in the first place. This piece written by Swift may be satirical and a horrendous idea to the common people, it would fix the problems that Dublin is having. By selling off their newborns, which they can’t afford anyway, they can make quite a bit of profit, helping with the poverty problem. Soon, they won’t have to worry about the little thieves run ning around because all of the children that have been stealing will have grown up and there won’t be any new children coming into the business. Lastly, with the new generation being butchered and devoured, there would be a rapid decrease in theShow MoreRelatedA Modest Proposal By Jonathan Swift813 Words   |  4 PagesJonathan Swift, author of the satirical piece â€Å"A Modest Proposal,† organized an outrageous proposal to the people of Ireland. In this pamphlet, Swift offered his personal views on how to overcome Ireland’s issue of overpopulation and poverty. By raising nationwide attention, Swift plan to shock the readers by emphasizing the idea of cannibalism as a way to deal with Ireland’s problems. Swift’s technique of audience, tone, and pathos help determine the advantages and disadvantages of â€Å"A Model Proposal†Read MoreAnalysis Of The Article A Modest Proposal 1482 Words   |  6 Pagesarticle â€Å"A Modest Proposal† is a proposal made by a man named Jonathan Swift who is also known for Gulliver’s Travels which is another well spoken essay of satire. When the people of Dublin are suffering from poverty and overpopulation, Swift writes up a satirical hyperbole that mocks the heartless Irish attitudes towards the poor. The bottleneck effect of people was so dreadful that all the Catholic families of Dublin were not able to support their own children. Due to these conditions Swift writesRead MoreEssay on A Modest Proposal: Satire at Its Best643 Words   |  3 PagesA Modest Proposal: Satire at Its Best Jonathan Swifts 1729 essay, A Modest Proposal, was a true example of satire at its best. Many readers at the time rejected the essay because they failed to understand the irony. 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One important way in which the author engages the audience’s attention and tries to help his readers see deeper politicalRead MoreJonathan Swift s A Modest Proposal1008 Words   |  5 PagesSolutions Decisions In Ireland According to Sparknotes, In the 1700’s, Ireland went through an economic depression as well as other problems in the country such as starvation, overpopulation and intolerable taxation by England. The families in Ireland could not afford to maintain their children therefore the children became a burden. Politicians did nothing to improve Ireland’s situation. These ongoing Problems in Ireland led Jonathan Swift to write,† A Modest Proposal.† In his essay, Swift uses satire toRead MoreA Modest Proposal By Jonathan Swift1647 Words   |  7 PagesSatire in â€Å"A Modest Proposal† and Different Articles Jonathan Swift, author of â€Å"A Modest Proposal,† tries to present different ideas in order to change the situation of Ireland. 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